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Table 1 Findings relating to perspectives on family care

From: Perspectives on care and communication involving incurably ill Turkish and Moroccan patients, relatives and professionals: a systematic literature review

Study

Family care as a duty

Family care as an economic necessity

Family care as a burden

Findings concerning Turkish patients

(Aksoy, 2005) [28]

It was important for a traditional Turkish family to look after ill and old parents. Family care was a duty.

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-

(De Meyere, 2004) [47]

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Some women had financial problems, e.g. they could not pay for a breast prosthesis.

Women became depressed if they had no family, feared losing their husband, or inducing gossiping in community.

(Groen-van de Ven and Smits, 2009) 2009 [55]

Ideally elderly live with their eldest son, cared for by their daughter-in-law, but often other relatives (daughters) cared for parents. Professional care was valued as not good enough.

-

Family care involved a lot of tasks (preparing food, housekeeping, accompanying patients to doctors, and personal care). Relatives became overloaded when practices did not correspond with their norms.

(Oksuzoglu et al., 2006) [68]

The role of family and social factors was very great in Turkey.

-

-

(Van den Bosch, 2010) [77]

-

Financial situation limited self efficacy in Turkish elderly.

-

(Yerden, 2000) [80]

Turkish active elderly expected their children (eldest son and wife) to take care for them. Their sons felt obliged to do so, but hoped to share this task with all the family.

-

Turkish elderly were often cared for by their children, but some children moved to other towns to flee from the heavy duty.

(Yerden, 2004) [81]

Ideally elderly live with their son’s family, many don’t. Daughters (in law) mainly do caring. When elderly are active they suppose family will care, when they become bedridden family care turns out to be insufficient.

-

Children support elderly by shopping, cleaning, administration, cooking and personal care.

Findings concerning Moroccan patients

(Errihani et al., 2005) [52]

92% of patients were supported by family members.

For many families monthly revenues were not enough to pay for treatments, only 15% were insured.

-

(Errihani et al., 2006) [50]

92% of patients were helped by their family.

Poverty and lack of medical insurance limit professional treatments.

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Findings regarding Turkish and Moroccan patients ( sometimes other immigrant patients as well)

(De Graaff and Francke, 2003a) [17]

‘You should care for sick’ was an ideal, but also a must, enforced by fear of gossip in the community. Male relatives often rejected help from outside family. Professional help was more accepted when women were active in decision-making process.

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Even in large extended families daily physical care was often carried out by one female family member.

(De Graaff and Francke, 2009) [45]

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-

Limited use of home care often led to high care burden for relatives and improper care.

(Meulenkamp et al., 2010) [65]

Many elderly expected their children to care for them and to prepare and offer food as soon as visitors arrive.

The financial situation of immigrant elderly was often bad. Many elderly depended on their children for administration and financial management.

-

(Koppenol et al., 2006) [59]

Patients preferred to be cared for by their kin. Talking about illness and the sorrow it brings was often not done in Turkish and Moroccan families.

-

-

(Korstanje, 2008) [60]

Relatives felt responsible for patients and neglected duties regarding their work or children.

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Family care sometimes led to financial problems. Relatives felt overburdened, but not able to discuss this as family care is obviously expected in their culture.

(NOOM, 2009) [23]

Parents and children created a dilemma: the ideal of children taking care of parents prevented them from looking for other solutions for meeting care needs.

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-

(VPTZ, 2008b) [26]

Family care was an obvious response to a new situation, since immigrants often had no experience with dying people and did not know the supporting facilities in Netherlands. Turkish elderly often lived with a son or daughter, Moroccan families sometimes brought a helper from Morocco.

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-

(Yerden and Van Koutrike, 2007) [82]

Men felt responsible for organizing care, but physical care and housekeeping was done by women.

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